Iran Sets Off a New Palestinian Agenda
News report of Mottaki’s sideline talks with Saeb Erekat and Ahmed Aboul Gheit in Non-Alignment Movement conference in Sharm-el-Sheikh. Is Iran changing its Palestinian agenda? By Ali Musavi Khalkhali.
Senior Palestinian negotiator Saeb Erekat and Iranian Foreign Minister have met on the sidelines of NAM conference in Sharm-el-Sheikh. It is for the first time that such a top-level meeting is held during Ahmadinejad’s presidency, though Erekat claims that the two have been meeting since 2006. Those sessions never received media coverage even if true.
The news of the latest talk was released by Erekat. In his interview with Al Arabiya senior Palestinian negotiator said that he had positive talks with Mottaki and had asked the Iranian FM to support the Palestinian cause. Meanwhile, a Palestinian authority speaking on the condition of anonymity said that Mottaki and Erekat discussed Palestine’s domestic developments, regional conditions and the need for national unity among Palestinian groups. He stressed that Erekat has asked for Iran’s impartiality in Fatah-Hamas talks so they could lead to desired results.
Erekat-Mottaki meeting is a rare occasion of contact between Iranian and Palestinian top diplomatic officials which receives media coverage. Juxtaposing Mottaki’s talks with Erekat and the Egyptian Foreign Minister Ahmed Aboul Gheit we conclude nothing but that they have been held based on a certain agenda. If we trust sources reporting of Mottaki’s return to Tehran on the night before NAM summit and his next day flight back to Sharm-el-Sheikh, our conjecture become more plausible.
Three conclusions come out of these meetings: Firstly, in his second presidential term Ahmadinejad is trying to show a new diplomatic face which implies a new administrative agenda. A government which used to oppose any meeting, any compromise between the Palestinian Authority and the Israeli regime now permits its foreign minister to engage in what was called a constructive session by the highest Palestinian diplomatic official. From this viewpoint, maybe we can justify an appointment within the tenth administration: vice presidency of Esfandiar Rahim Masha’i, the man who had provoked controversy inside Iran after stating that the Iranian and Israeli nations are friends.
The second point concerns Palestinian’s national unity. For nearly 9 months, Fatah and Hamas have been holding talks in Cairo but to no avail. Some impatient Palestinian officials such as Mohammad Dahlan have accused Iran of obstructing the process of national unity by meddling in Palestinians’ internal affairs. Mottaki-Erekat meeting may raise hope among Fatah members that unity talks can finally bear fruits. Mahmoud Abass’ appeasing tone in calling for parliamentary and presidential elections can be due to the new prospects of peace between Palestinian groups.
Third is the Iran-Egypt relations and on a broader scale, Iran-Arab relations. Since the 1967 occupation of the Palestinian territories, Egyptians have regarded themselves as the caretakers of Palestine’s affairs. No Palestinian problem was negotiated without their presence. The Arab-Israeli peace process, talks between Palestinian factions or Palestine’s relations with other countries have been always dominated by the Egyptians, though the first has been fruitless so far. The failure of national unity talks held in Egyptian territory and moderated by Omar Soleiman, chief of the Egyptian General Intelligence Services, has been devastating to Egypt’s reputation. No achievement is made each time Hamas and Fatah sit at the table of negotiations with Egypt’s insistence, but Egypt is hopeful that Palestinians could reach an agreement and they would regain their diplomatic status. To attaint these goals, Egyptians are prepared to undertake whatever is necessary. Since Iran is the principal supporter of Hamas, the quality of Hamas-Fatah negotiations and its outcomes can help improve Iran-Egypt relations.
The news of the latest talk was released by Erekat. In his interview with Al Arabiya senior Palestinian negotiator said that he had positive talks with Mottaki and had asked the Iranian FM to support the Palestinian cause. Meanwhile, a Palestinian authority speaking on the condition of anonymity said that Mottaki and Erekat discussed Palestine’s domestic developments, regional conditions and the need for national unity among Palestinian groups. He stressed that Erekat has asked for Iran’s impartiality in Fatah-Hamas talks so they could lead to desired results.
Erekat-Mottaki meeting is a rare occasion of contact between Iranian and Palestinian top diplomatic officials which receives media coverage. Juxtaposing Mottaki’s talks with Erekat and the Egyptian Foreign Minister Ahmed Aboul Gheit we conclude nothing but that they have been held based on a certain agenda. If we trust sources reporting of Mottaki’s return to Tehran on the night before NAM summit and his next day flight back to Sharm-el-Sheikh, our conjecture become more plausible.
Three conclusions come out of these meetings: Firstly, in his second presidential term Ahmadinejad is trying to show a new diplomatic face which implies a new administrative agenda. A government which used to oppose any meeting, any compromise between the Palestinian Authority and the Israeli regime now permits its foreign minister to engage in what was called a constructive session by the highest Palestinian diplomatic official. From this viewpoint, maybe we can justify an appointment within the tenth administration: vice presidency of Esfandiar Rahim Masha’i, the man who had provoked controversy inside Iran after stating that the Iranian and Israeli nations are friends.
The second point concerns Palestinian’s national unity. For nearly 9 months, Fatah and Hamas have been holding talks in Cairo but to no avail. Some impatient Palestinian officials such as Mohammad Dahlan have accused Iran of obstructing the process of national unity by meddling in Palestinians’ internal affairs. Mottaki-Erekat meeting may raise hope among Fatah members that unity talks can finally bear fruits. Mahmoud Abass’ appeasing tone in calling for parliamentary and presidential elections can be due to the new prospects of peace between Palestinian groups.
Third is the Iran-Egypt relations and on a broader scale, Iran-Arab relations. Since the 1967 occupation of the Palestinian territories, Egyptians have regarded themselves as the caretakers of Palestine’s affairs. No Palestinian problem was negotiated without their presence. The Arab-Israeli peace process, talks between Palestinian factions or Palestine’s relations with other countries have been always dominated by the Egyptians, though the first has been fruitless so far. The failure of national unity talks held in Egyptian territory and moderated by Omar Soleiman, chief of the Egyptian General Intelligence Services, has been devastating to Egypt’s reputation. No achievement is made each time Hamas and Fatah sit at the table of negotiations with Egypt’s insistence, but Egypt is hopeful that Palestinians could reach an agreement and they would regain their diplomatic status. To attaint these goals, Egyptians are prepared to undertake whatever is necessary. Since Iran is the principal supporter of Hamas, the quality of Hamas-Fatah negotiations and its outcomes can help improve Iran-Egypt relations.