Iranian Diplomacy Thirty Years after the Revolution
Past, present and future of Islamic Republic’s Diplomacy. By Salman Safavi
The 1979 Islamic Revolution of Iran was indeed ‘the’ transformational force of twentieth century politics in Middle East and Central Asia. No other movement has had such a deep impact on international relations, balance of power and stability in southwest Asia. Backwash of the revolution is not difficult to observe even after thirty years.
Iran of the Pahlavi era was a member of the Western camp, turned into the ‘Persian Gulf Gendarme’ at the 1970s. Mohammad Reza Pahlavi’s US- and Israel-backed policy of making Iran the hegemonic power of Middle East was in diametrical opposition to the interests of regional Muslim states. The pillars of his regional policies were humiliation of Arabs, undermining the anti-Israel Arab resistance front and opposition to the Palestinian liberation movement.
The Islamic Revolution released Iran from the Western camp and gave it the chance to become an influential regional power, and a solid supporter of Islamic Ummah, Arab nation and the Palestinians. There is considerable dispute over Iran’s post-revolution regional role. Some regard it as a constructive force while others deem it as the factor that has created most of the instability in Middle East. Islamic Ummah, Arab nation and the majority of public opinion in non-aligned countries believe in the first proposition, that Iran’s role in international affairs has been positive and constructive. On the other hand, among the Arab states, excluding such Syria, Libya and Algeria, there is a negative attitude towards Iran role and the Islamic Revolution is seen as a threat towards the stability of their regimes. To counter Iran’s increasing influence, Arab states have taken three major steps: establishing GCC, [Persian] Gulf Cooperation Council; inviting the US Army to Persian Gulf and hosting American military bases in Qatar, Kuwait and Oman; and forming the US-Israel-Arab alliance spearheaded by Egypt, Jordan and Saudi Arabia after the Annapolis conference.
Western countries also consider Iran a major threat to their interests in the Muslim World. There is of course another powerful bloc, the non-aligned countries, which appreciate Iran’s role in supporting the Afghan nation during the Soviet occupation, Nelson Mandela and his anti-apartheid movement, Kurds and Arabs against the brutal regime of Saddam Hussein, Bosnians against the atrocious Serbian genocide, the Palestinian nation through substantial donations, running health and education services in countries such as Sudan and Tanzania, and in Latin American countries such as Bolivia and Venezuela.
Against the Western hegemony, Russia and China have been relatively supportive of Iran’s role in Middle East and Central Asia, though they may follow a different policy on Palestine. Iran, in response, has kept low-key on Muslims’ plight in Russia (Chechnya) and China (Turkistan). Iran has in fact turned into a bargaining chip for Russia and China against West.
To sustain its role as the key peacekeeper of Middle East and Central Asia, there are fifteen factors which Iran should observe:
1. Building trust with Persian Gulf states and Egypt;
2. Constructive regional cooperation with extraregional forces based on common interests;
3. Expansion of peaceful relations with regional nations and elite;
4. Efficient media presence;
5. Wielding public diplomacy through active participation of Iranian culturati, scientists and athletes in international occasion;
6. Actual application of three foreign diplomacy pillars, i.e. dignity, wisdom and expediency;
7. Establishing a balance between global realities, true potentials and Islamic ideals;
8. Rationalism and avoiding diplomatic ballyhoo;
9. Using veteran politicians and avoiding naivety and haste in diplomacy;
10. Prioritizing soft power as (US) hard power has proved its failure in Iraq, Afghanistan, Lebanon and Palestine;
11. Creating intelligent regional and international lobby groups;
12. Emphasizing commonalities in international relations;
13. Acknowledging that in international relations, there is no black or white, but a gray spectrum. No country is our brother, ally or foe and diplomatic ties are based on shared interests;
14. Emphasis on economic and cultural aspects and avoiding militarism;
15. Observing reasonable concerns of some regional states towards our policies, as Iran justifiably wants the world to observe its security concerns.
Iran of the Pahlavi era was a member of the Western camp, turned into the ‘Persian Gulf Gendarme’ at the 1970s. Mohammad Reza Pahlavi’s US- and Israel-backed policy of making Iran the hegemonic power of Middle East was in diametrical opposition to the interests of regional Muslim states. The pillars of his regional policies were humiliation of Arabs, undermining the anti-Israel Arab resistance front and opposition to the Palestinian liberation movement.
The Islamic Revolution released Iran from the Western camp and gave it the chance to become an influential regional power, and a solid supporter of Islamic Ummah, Arab nation and the Palestinians. There is considerable dispute over Iran’s post-revolution regional role. Some regard it as a constructive force while others deem it as the factor that has created most of the instability in Middle East. Islamic Ummah, Arab nation and the majority of public opinion in non-aligned countries believe in the first proposition, that Iran’s role in international affairs has been positive and constructive. On the other hand, among the Arab states, excluding such Syria, Libya and Algeria, there is a negative attitude towards Iran role and the Islamic Revolution is seen as a threat towards the stability of their regimes. To counter Iran’s increasing influence, Arab states have taken three major steps: establishing GCC, [Persian] Gulf Cooperation Council; inviting the US Army to Persian Gulf and hosting American military bases in Qatar, Kuwait and Oman; and forming the US-Israel-Arab alliance spearheaded by Egypt, Jordan and Saudi Arabia after the Annapolis conference.
Western countries also consider Iran a major threat to their interests in the Muslim World. There is of course another powerful bloc, the non-aligned countries, which appreciate Iran’s role in supporting the Afghan nation during the Soviet occupation, Nelson Mandela and his anti-apartheid movement, Kurds and Arabs against the brutal regime of Saddam Hussein, Bosnians against the atrocious Serbian genocide, the Palestinian nation through substantial donations, running health and education services in countries such as Sudan and Tanzania, and in Latin American countries such as Bolivia and Venezuela.
Against the Western hegemony, Russia and China have been relatively supportive of Iran’s role in Middle East and Central Asia, though they may follow a different policy on Palestine. Iran, in response, has kept low-key on Muslims’ plight in Russia (Chechnya) and China (Turkistan). Iran has in fact turned into a bargaining chip for Russia and China against West.
To sustain its role as the key peacekeeper of Middle East and Central Asia, there are fifteen factors which Iran should observe:
1. Building trust with Persian Gulf states and Egypt;
2. Constructive regional cooperation with extraregional forces based on common interests;
3. Expansion of peaceful relations with regional nations and elite;
4. Efficient media presence;
5. Wielding public diplomacy through active participation of Iranian culturati, scientists and athletes in international occasion;
6. Actual application of three foreign diplomacy pillars, i.e. dignity, wisdom and expediency;
7. Establishing a balance between global realities, true potentials and Islamic ideals;
8. Rationalism and avoiding diplomatic ballyhoo;
9. Using veteran politicians and avoiding naivety and haste in diplomacy;
10. Prioritizing soft power as (US) hard power has proved its failure in Iraq, Afghanistan, Lebanon and Palestine;
11. Creating intelligent regional and international lobby groups;
12. Emphasizing commonalities in international relations;
13. Acknowledging that in international relations, there is no black or white, but a gray spectrum. No country is our brother, ally or foe and diplomatic ties are based on shared interests;
14. Emphasis on economic and cultural aspects and avoiding militarism;
15. Observing reasonable concerns of some regional states towards our policies, as Iran justifiably wants the world to observe its security concerns.