The Plights of Ahmadinejad
Iranian parliament decided to turn a blind eye and vote for the cabinet, but are Ahmadinejad’s problems over? By Javad Mahzadeh
Last week, those who heard the shouts of objections against Ahmadinejad’s cabinet from the members of the parliament believed that his administration will be facing a formidable obstacle in its early days. Unsatisfied, today those observers not only question the legitimacy of the government, but also that of the parliament representatives.
No one should expect more from the parliament, and they were unreasonable if they did. A parliament dominated by principlists may have its own peeves due to Ahmadinejad’s behavior. It may also fall into trouble with his cabinet, but the essence of principlism is expediency, submission and unity in front of the opponents. This essence once more showed the unanimity inside the establishment.
It was not Ahmadinejad’s invitation of parliament members to convergence that created consensus and led to ratification of inappropriate candidates such as Mehrabian (for Ministry of Industry) and Mir Kazemi (for Ministry of Petroleum). What brought the vote of confidence for the most non-reliable ministers was fear of undermining the tenth administration and deepening the legitimacy crisis it faces both inside the country and in the international community.
Of the features of Ahmadinejadi ’convergence’ is prioritizing expediency over reality. Ahmadinejad has been the first Iranian president to face such an acute crisis after the election. Hence, expediency dictates that to prevent further rift, criticisms should be toned down and defects should be covered. The key problem of this government is neither gasoline shortage, nor falling foreign investment, brain drain, academic and cultural hibernation, decreasing purchasing power etc. It is deeper than that. The problems mentioned are not as challenging as the way Iranians and the international community look at Ahmadinejad.
The way principlist MPs escaped from reality and decided to vote in favor of the ministry candidates reminds us of Hans Christian Andersen and his "The Emperor’s New Clothes": afraid of being accused as disturbers of the current situation, everyone is supporting the new cabinet.
The shaky state of Ahmadinejad and the presidential post is not hidden from the eyes of foreigners. Western powers, aware of this situation, have added up pressures in order to either subjugate or isolate Iran. Iran, in response, has done everything it could –from appointing a new head to the judiciary to directing the media attention towards parliament debates- to divert criticism from the newborn cabinet and give it a chance to stand up and toddle.
The multi-million-strong administration, which Ahmadinejad tends to call it forty-million-strong, is accused of inexperience and obsequiousness and also being chosen only from Elm va San’at, the college from which Ahmadinejad graduated himself. These are all but regarded as virtues by the Iranian president.
The sapling is growing in the wrong direction and its future direction is upsettingly unknown. Expediency has called for principlists’ unanimous vote, even to inexperienced and unreliable male and female members of the cabinet. It was just another shot in the arm for a government which is so weak that it is not known whether it becomes powerful enough to stand and run.
Perhaps First Deputy Speaker Mohammad Reza Bahonar’s comments can help us why 18 members of Ahmadinejad’s team managed to receive the parliament’s vote of confidence. His statements, appearing on the front-page of many Tehran newspapers, showed that if it was not for the Supreme Leader’s request, many other candidates would be disapproved.
From the viewpoint of principlists, what is important today is reviving the government’s prestige when it is preparing to enter a new international game. Apparently, turning a blind eye and neglecting all the defects of the new administration is the way to revive this face and charge the cabinet’s batteries, at least for a short time.
The wound tenth administration is suffering will not be healed with a minor surgery. Ahmadinejad will confront severe challenges in economics and politics and his challengers in university and cultural domains will be innumerous. He may resume ’province visits’ and hand money envelopes to the poor to keep up his government, but what is he going to do with alms-defiant groups who oppose his presidency? More important is the quality of his interaction with the world. That will start from New York, and world powers are waiting for it.
No one should expect more from the parliament, and they were unreasonable if they did. A parliament dominated by principlists may have its own peeves due to Ahmadinejad’s behavior. It may also fall into trouble with his cabinet, but the essence of principlism is expediency, submission and unity in front of the opponents. This essence once more showed the unanimity inside the establishment.
It was not Ahmadinejad’s invitation of parliament members to convergence that created consensus and led to ratification of inappropriate candidates such as Mehrabian (for Ministry of Industry) and Mir Kazemi (for Ministry of Petroleum). What brought the vote of confidence for the most non-reliable ministers was fear of undermining the tenth administration and deepening the legitimacy crisis it faces both inside the country and in the international community.
Of the features of Ahmadinejadi ’convergence’ is prioritizing expediency over reality. Ahmadinejad has been the first Iranian president to face such an acute crisis after the election. Hence, expediency dictates that to prevent further rift, criticisms should be toned down and defects should be covered. The key problem of this government is neither gasoline shortage, nor falling foreign investment, brain drain, academic and cultural hibernation, decreasing purchasing power etc. It is deeper than that. The problems mentioned are not as challenging as the way Iranians and the international community look at Ahmadinejad.
The way principlist MPs escaped from reality and decided to vote in favor of the ministry candidates reminds us of Hans Christian Andersen and his "The Emperor’s New Clothes": afraid of being accused as disturbers of the current situation, everyone is supporting the new cabinet.
The shaky state of Ahmadinejad and the presidential post is not hidden from the eyes of foreigners. Western powers, aware of this situation, have added up pressures in order to either subjugate or isolate Iran. Iran, in response, has done everything it could –from appointing a new head to the judiciary to directing the media attention towards parliament debates- to divert criticism from the newborn cabinet and give it a chance to stand up and toddle.
The multi-million-strong administration, which Ahmadinejad tends to call it forty-million-strong, is accused of inexperience and obsequiousness and also being chosen only from Elm va San’at, the college from which Ahmadinejad graduated himself. These are all but regarded as virtues by the Iranian president.
The sapling is growing in the wrong direction and its future direction is upsettingly unknown. Expediency has called for principlists’ unanimous vote, even to inexperienced and unreliable male and female members of the cabinet. It was just another shot in the arm for a government which is so weak that it is not known whether it becomes powerful enough to stand and run.
Perhaps First Deputy Speaker Mohammad Reza Bahonar’s comments can help us why 18 members of Ahmadinejad’s team managed to receive the parliament’s vote of confidence. His statements, appearing on the front-page of many Tehran newspapers, showed that if it was not for the Supreme Leader’s request, many other candidates would be disapproved.
From the viewpoint of principlists, what is important today is reviving the government’s prestige when it is preparing to enter a new international game. Apparently, turning a blind eye and neglecting all the defects of the new administration is the way to revive this face and charge the cabinet’s batteries, at least for a short time.
The wound tenth administration is suffering will not be healed with a minor surgery. Ahmadinejad will confront severe challenges in economics and politics and his challengers in university and cultural domains will be innumerous. He may resume ’province visits’ and hand money envelopes to the poor to keep up his government, but what is he going to do with alms-defiant groups who oppose his presidency? More important is the quality of his interaction with the world. That will start from New York, and world powers are waiting for it.