Arab Democratic Governments; Depth of the New Strategy of Hamas

Undoubtedly one of the important events in the developments of Palestine during the past year was the agreement between the two groups, Fatah and Hamas. This agreement-- which took place in Qatar in the presence of the Emir of the country-- was signed by the two Palestinian leaders; the nationalist Mahmood Abbas and the Islamist Khaled Mashal. Although, due to different reasons, Qatar never had a position in the past developments of Palestine, now it plays an important catalyst role in the developments of the region. Qatar’s mediation in this matter is not indicative of the degree of importance of this issue, rather this event by itself is considered as one of the historical events of the Palestinian people. However, today Qatar is the center of attention of the west and has a vast propaganda machine that plays a positive role in covering this event. To better understand this matter, the developments in the internal scene of Palestine must be discussed.
 

In 2006, free elections were held inside the occupied territories, including the Palestine Authority. This election was held under the supervision of international observers and Hamas was certified the winner. On this basis, the legislative parliament and then the Palestinian government were formed. But very soon the existing differences led to conflicts and the eventual fall of the newly formed government, hence, peaceful coexistence of the Fatah and Hamas became impossible and Palestine was split in two halves. A government associated with Hamas was formed in Gaza and another government associated with Fatah in the West Bank. After a while, the Palestinian fighting forces, instead of supporting each other at the national level and strengthening their power, were engaged in internal fighting which led to a different crisis inside the land of Palestine. The Occupying Regime welcomed these differences and the formation of two Palestinian identities, and perhaps the same differences gave the Israeli army the opportunity to attack Gaza. Concerns over this issue grew and mediations began. Saudi Arabia got the winning card of mediation by holding the Mecca Conference in 2007. Mahmood Abbas and Khaled Mashal signed an agreement in Mecca that somehow sought to control their differences and the conflicts. But the main problem still remained and the disputes continued. After Saudi Arabia, it was Egypt’s turn to test its abilities in solving the internal problems of Palestine. The entrance of Egypt in the arena of mediation increased hopes, and after several meetings they led to interesting achievements. Through Egypt’s mediation, the issue of Gaza, which following the Palestinian conflicts was under complete siege, was resolved. Considering its border with Gaza, if Egypt had not dealt with this matter the humanitarian aspect of Gaza might have been disastrous. Of course, the 22-day war forced Egypt under the rule of Hosni Mobarak to engage itself in this issue. However, despite all that was done the structural problem of Palestine was not solved.
 

The problem included two questions. The first question was through what mechanism could the Palestinian Authority and the government of Gaza (and also Hamas and Fatah) exit the existing dead-end and manage the lives of the people in Gaza and the West Bank? The second question was with the entrance of Hamas in the power scene and in the Palestinian administration, what would happen to the Palestinian parliament and the Palestinian Liberation Organization? And would the representative of Palestine in the international arena be reformed to include all layers of the people of Palestine, meaning the Islamists, the ethnic groups, etc.? In the Mecca Agreement and Cairo Conferences, the basic issues were not addressed. From the beginning of 2007 until 2011, all these efforts were only aimed at controlling the situation; however, they were misused by the Israelis. Now, in 2012, after one year of developments of the Arab Spring, conditions have developed that it is said Fatah and Hamas want—and even ought—to understand the current situation in the region and the world and find proper responses to the two questions mentioned before. Those conditions consist of:
 

1. The people of Palestine and Arab nations are very much worried about intra-Palestinian conflict. As a result of these differences, Palestinians in particular have faced many difficulties. Simultaneously with the uprising of Arab nations, they have staged demonstrations in the streets of Gaza and the West Bank calling on their leaders to sit down around the same table and instead of differences and useless conflicts, think about the interests of the people and the welfare, security and future of Palestinians.   
 

2. The Arab Spring brought about the fall of some Arab leaders. The reason for their fall was the lack of attention to the people’s wishes and the lack of respect for civil rights. There is no doubt that neither Palestinians nor any other nation in the region were unaffected by these developments and, as we have seen, the Arab Spring created changes in all Arab countries in one way or another. Some experienced revolutions and political changes, while others were affected in other ways. Developments in Palestine can be evaluated in the same way, even though Palestinian leaders dealt with these developments with better foresight and analysis, and therefore have become more hopeful about passing this crisis with a lower cost. Palestinians, who can themselves be considered one of the prime advocates for free elections in the Arab world, can pass this crisis by responding to the people’s requests and by considering the current situation. They should officially recognize the right of the people and political parties to participation inside and outside of Palestine.
 

3. Egypt and Syria have played epic roles on both sides of the Palestinian issue and Palestine’s destiny has been written in Damascus and Cairo during the last ten years. However, there have been vast changes in the Middle East these days, and the roles of Egypt and Syria have also been altered. Young Arab democracies, headed by Egypt, have given rise to a new point of view concerning the Palestinian issue. The principle axis for peace with Israel, Hosni Mubarak, has been toppled. Bashar Assad and Syria, who constitute the main axis for Palestinian resistance, are also on the threshold of collapse. The Muslim Brotherhood has taken control of the majority in parliament in Egypt. The current Egyptian government is no longer a strong supporter of Mahmood Abbas and automatically opposed to Hamas. This is because Hamas is itself the Muslim Brotherhood in Palestine. Egypt’s role in Palestine’s domestic issues has changed form. Hamas is leaving Syria and is thinking of possible alternatives. All of these changes mean that Palestinian forces are pondering new equations which are more compatible with the new conditions, because Palestinians have no hope for the Assad family and the Baath regime to stay in power in Syria. They might even prefer the future Syrian government to be a combination similar to what we currently see in Egypt. Although Syria’s political future is still unclear, everyone has come to believe that we will see a different Syria in the future. These and other developments in the region will soon change the geopolitics of the region.
 

Palestinians no longer think about past conditions. They, too, have to adapt themselves to the new situation. Hamas cannot rely on Syria anymore to be able to sustain its current progress. Their strategic depth has been altered, and they might be thinking that newly founded democratic governments could be their strategic depth. Therefore, they must adapt with new conditions through tactical changes and strategic reforms. Revolutions in the Arab world and major changes in the Middle East have led to Palestine’s domestic scene being strongly influenced during 2011. The agreement between Fatah and Hamas-- which was signed in Doha in the presence of the Qatari Emir-- is a result of these changes and it caused Palestinians to stop thinking about their selfish and totalitarian ideas and wishes and sign the agreement for the sake of unity in Palestine’s political structure. They have also invited other Palestinian groups so that they too can position themselves on this path, one that might help them reconstruct Palestine in the midst of the region’s democratic developments and new conditions. The reconstruction of the Palestinian Liberation Organization and the establishment of the National Palestinian Assembly is the most important goal which is being pondered and all Palestinians and both major groups, Hamas and Fatah, must respect the people’s right to vote and the right to widespread political participation for all groups and opinions in Palestine in order to achieve this goal.
 

To sum it up it in one sentence, we can say that the region’s current critical situation has forced Palestine’s active forces to move towards creating a single political structure and uniting Palestinians within it.